Syndrome of the International Analyst Parliamentarian
- Luiz Henrique Depollo
- Apr 27
- 5 min read
Note: The views expressed in this text are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of this website.
The architecture of the Brazilian political system was built with the paradigm of democracy and the political and institutional representation of various social, economic, ethnic, religious, professional groups, and other possible classifications and groupings within sociology and anthropology. This structure is reflected both in the electoral logic for executive positions (majoritarian system, the elected candidate is the one with the most votes) and for municipal, state, and federal legislative positions (proportional system, whose calculation is based on the electoral quotient).
Nevertheless, the apparatus and organization of the State into Powers and federative entities propose a structure of governance and governability with clear and well-defined roles regarding what each representative and each entity can or cannot do, can or cannot propose: the Executive administers, the Judiciary judges, and the Legislative legislates, while the Municipality handles local issues, the State handles regional issues, and the Federal level handles national issues.
Regarding the Electoral Quotient, it is worth explaining that it is the “cutoff score” of the proportional system, and it defines how many votes a candidate or federation needs to secure at least one direct seat in the legislature, at any level (municipal, state, or federal).
In proportional systems, municipal elections may depend on a small number of votes, making each mandate even more sensitive to local demands. For example, in municipalities where the electorate is small due to the number of inhabitants, in Serra da Saudade/MG, considering the elderly and other cases where voting is optional, there are 942 total active voter registrations. Candidates for city council must win votes “by hand.” Considering Serra da Saudade’s Electoral Quotient, candidates for one of the 9 City Council seats must receive at least 94 out of 942 votes to be elected, that is, more than 10% of valid votes.
In addition to the Electoral Quotient, many candidates, especially newer ones entering politics, must face obstacles and resistance from established political figures within their own parties to gain access to the Party Fund and the Electoral Fund, which are public subsidies to finance campaign costs such as physical and digital advertising, travel, and other expenses.
As if all these challenges to be elected to legislative positions were not enough, since 2020 we have increasingly seen city councilors and state deputies whose main technical output during their terms consists of praising or criticizing heads of state or international organizations—topics that fall completely outside the scope of subnational legislative activity, that is, municipal and state entities.
In other words, there is a deviation from this representative logic in which councilors or deputies have prioritized international political agendas, often disconnected from the competencies and local demands of their mandates, ignoring the problems of their region’s population in order to gain visibility on social media.
The functions of the Legislative Branch are structured in the Constitution based on two main lines of activity: typical and atypical. Among the typical activities are legislating, creating and amending laws, debating their relevance and applicability, among other characteristics, and oversight, which is the prerogative to visit schools, hospitals, and other public spaces to verify whether the Executive at that level of government is properly using public resources.
However, among the atypical functions is the responsibility to organize the Municipal Chamber or the State Assembly, which falls mainly on the President and the Secretary of the house, involving hiring personnel and services, acquiring supplies and equipment, among other forms of internal management.
What happens is that a significant number of parliamentarians, especially city councilors, have inaugurated a supposed new atypical function as International Analysts, bringing international events to the floor of legislative houses, such as wars in Africa and Asia, and framing them according to whichever political ideology benefits most from such conflicts.
Councilors aspiring to be international analysts use this strategy as a springboard to gain free publicity in regional newspapers and media outlets due to their inappropriate legislative proposals, and as opportunities to create the famous “clips”, video excerpts from sessions that are posted online and generate engagement from their electoral base on social media.
In 2023, the City Council of Curitiba (PR) debated and approved a motion of support for a foreign state involved in an international conflict. In the same year, councilors in Fortaleza (CE) voted on a motion condemning attacks against the other party involved in the war. In 2025, the same issue returned to debate in the City Council of Belo Horizonte (MG) through another motion of support.
Although parliamentarians have the prerogative to speak freely (with some restrictions) and represent their voters, it is necessary to question the relevance and impact on the population’s lives of councilors addressing conflicts in Europe or Africa, for example. Not only the relevance of this type of legislative agenda, but also the effective return of halting council sessions for hours to discuss and vote on whether councilors approve or disapprove of a fact with no local relevance.
The key point is not to restrict the political and personal freedom of expression of those who received votes and hold such prerogatives, but to question whether the problems in our cities have already been solved to the point that it becomes a priority to vote on motions of support or condemnation regarding a person or organization that is not even within the same territory to be approached or legally held accountable.
Do those who entrusted their vote to these parliamentarians know that sessions that could focus on improving urban mobility, healthcare, or public education are being diverted to discuss people who are not even part of their community? Do they know that the salaries of councilors, their advisors, and the technical staff of legislative houses are paid with their own money?
It is necessary for the population to increasingly monitor parliamentary agendas, especially those of the councilors they voted for, who are territorially closer and can indeed be held accountable for what they do or fail to do.
References
SENADO FEDERAL. Constituição Federal de 1988. In: https://www.planalto.gov.br/ccivil_03/constituicao/constituicaocompilado.htm
CÂMARA DOS DEPUTADOS. CREDN - Aprovada Moção de Apoio e Solidariedade a Israel e ao seu direito de existir. 2025. In: https://www2.camara.leg.br/atividade-legislativa/comissoes/comissoes-permanentes/credn/noticias/aprovada-mocao-de-apoio-e-solidariedade-a-israel-e-ao-seu-direito-de-existir.
CÂMARA DE CURITIBA. Câmara de Curitiba aprova moção de apoio ao Estado de Israel. 2023. In: https://www.curitiba.pr.leg.br/informacao/noticias/camara-de-curitiba-aprova-mocao-de-apoio-ao-estado-de-israel.
ASSEMBLEIA LEGISLATIVA DO ESPÍRITO SANTO. Deputados fazem moção de apoio a Israel. 2023. In: https://www.al.es.gov.br/Noticia/2023/10/45732/deputados-fazem-mocao-de-apoio-a-israel.html.
CÂMARA DE MANAUS. Moção de Solidariedade ao povo israelense, de autoria de Marcel Alexandre, é aprovada na CMM. 2023. In: https://www.cmm.am.gov.br/mocao-de-solidariedade-ao-povo-israelense-de-autoria-de-marcel-alexandre-e-aprovada-na-cmm/.
Gazeta do Povo [Guilherme Grandi]. Deputados brasileiros pedem moções a favor de Israel e contra o Hamas. 2023. In: https://www.gazetadopovo.com.br/republica/guerra-israel-deputados-brasileiros-mocoes-hamas/.
CÂMARA DE BELO HORIZONTE. BH institui Semana Municipal de Combate ao
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