Burkina Faso: anti-imperialism or anti-democracy?

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Ibrahim Traoré. (Photo: Issifou Djibo/EFE/EPA)

Surrounded by countries such as Mali, Níger, Benim, Togo, Gana and Costa do Marfim, Burkina Faso has become, in recent years, one of the main political laboratories on the African continent. At the center of this transformation is Ibrahim Traoré, a young army captain who came to power in 2022 through a military coup, amid a profound security crisis and institutional discredit.

Traoré emerges as a nationalist leader, willing to break with structures inherited from the colonial past and to defend his country’s sovereignty against external influences. This discourse resonates with a history marked by the presence of França in the region, from the colonial period to more recent decades, when it maintained strong political, economic, and military influence over its former African colonies. In this sense, based on recent statements by the military leader, the posture of the current Burkinabè government should not necessarily be interpreted as a rejection of the French people, but rather as a critique of a historically asymmetric relationship, perceived by many Africans as based on dependence, interference, and unequal treatment.

The rupture with France, including the withdrawal of troops and the cancellation of cooperation agreements, symbolizes this repositioning. For part of the population, it represents a gesture of national affirmation, seeking respect, autonomy, and equality in international relations. This dimension of the anti-imperialist discourse is relevant and should not be dismissed. It connects with currents such as pan-Africanism and revives historical sentiments of resistance to external exploitation, bringing Traoré closer to symbolic figures such as Che Guevara in the political imagination. At the same time, the government has sought new strategic partners, especially Rússia, reconfiguring its international alignment and drawing closer to other military regimes in the region, such as those in Mali and Niger. This reflects an attempt to diversify external support in a context of growing isolation from the West.

Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and Burkina Faso’s interim President Ibrahim Traore meet following the Russia-Africa summit in Saint Petersburg, Russia in 2023. (Photo: Alexander Ryumin/TASS Host Photo Agency via Reuter)

Domestically, some measures adopted by the government reinforce its popularity. The rhetoric of controlling natural resources, such as gold, and initiatives to strengthen the state’s role in the economy are seen by supporters as important steps toward economic sovereignty. There is also a perception that the government seeks to respond to real demands of the population, particularly regarding security and development. However, this is only one side of reality. Since coming to power, Traoré has promoted a gradual closing of the political system. Political parties have been banned, electoral institutions dismantled, and civil liberties restricted. The promise of a return to democracy has been postponed, while power becomes increasingly concentrated in the hands of the military regime. This process raises serious concerns about the country’s institutional future.

Moreover, despite the discourse of combating jihadist violence, the security situation remains critical. Large areas of the territory remain outside state control, millions of people have been displaced, and there are consistent reports of abuses committed by government forces against civilians. This calls into question the idea that authoritarianism would be an effective solution to the crisis. In practice, the results are, at best, inconclusive. Thus, Burkina Faso today represents a central tension in contemporary politics, especially in the Global South: on one hand, the legitimate pursuit of sovereignty, dignity, and autonomy in the face of historically unequal international structures; on the other, the risk that this same discourse may be used to justify the erosion of democracy and the concentration of power.

The relationship with France clearly illustrates this ambiguity. The desire to break with patterns of subordination and build a more balanced relationship is understandable and, in many respects, necessary. However, replacing one dependency with another, or exchanging external influence for internal authoritarianism, does not solve the country’s structural problems. Ultimately, Burkina Faso’s experience under Traoré cannot be analyzed in a simplistic way, either as an example of national liberation or as a mere authoritarian drift. It is a complex process in which legitimate demands coexist with profound risks. The real challenge lies in whether it is possible to reconcile sovereignty and security with open institutions, political participation, and respect for freedoms—or whether, on the contrary, the country is moving toward a model in which the promise of emancipation ultimately sacrifices the very democracy that could sustain it in the long term.

References

AFRICA NEWS. Burkina Faso’s Traoré rejects democracy, extends military rule. Disponível em: <https://www.africanews.com/2026/04/03/burkina-fasos-traore-rejects-democracy-extends-military-rule/>.

MELLY, P. Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have turned to Russia. Now the US wants to engage. BBC News, 2 fev. 2026. Disponível em: <https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/ckglwnrx437o>.